The true story of Indian Maoists
Mao-frenzy has almost become a phenomenon, rather being made into one, featuring in primetime news channels, with political parties and Human Rights bodies at loggerheads and corporate companies making merry at the cost of tribal-development. But many are not aware of the political history and complex socio-economic dynamics that has triggered the growth of Naxalite movement in many parts of India. Merely branding them as ‘the greatest threat to our country’s internal security’ is like looking at just one side of the coin, the other side has to be looked at with equal importance and seriousness.
Political History ~ The historic peasant struggle of Telengana began in 1948. Leftist ideological document ‘Andhra Letter’ demanded Indian Revolution to follow the Chinese path of protracted people’s war. CPI(M) split from CPI in 1964 and decided to participate in elections. 1965-66 saw Charu Mazumdar penning Marxist articles, popularly known as ‘The Historic Eight Documents’, which became the basis of Naxalite Movement in coming years. Telugu poet Sri Sri formed the Civil Liberties Organisation following arrests of Communists during the Indo-China war. In 1967, CPI(M) participated in polls and United Front govt was formed in West Bengal. Charu Mazumdar blamed the CPI(M) for betraying the revolution and it led to a schism in the party. 25th May saw the Naxalbari Uprising in Darjeeling district of WB, the state govt cracked down on the uprising, with the Centre supporting it. The same year witnessed the formation of AICCCR (All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolution) within CPI(M) with S.Roy Chowdhury as convener; they decided to boycott elections. In 1969, AICCCR was renamed as CPI(ML) with Charu Mazumdar as Secretary. Meanwhile, there was a crackdown on Srikakulam Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, but the movement continued till 1975. On 20th Oct, MCC (Maoist Communist Centre) was formed by Kanhai Chatterjee and Amulya Sen, they decided against joining CPI(ML). The 1st Party Congress of CPI(ML) was held in Calcutta on 11th May, 1970.
Telugu literary lights, headed by Sri Sri, formed the Revolutionary Writers Association. Artistes from Hyderabad, inspired by Srikakulam Struggle, form Art Lovers, headed by Narasinga Rao. Later they changed their name to Jana Natya Mandali in 1971. They tried to spread revolutionary ideas through songs and plays; were finally declared illegal in 1984. During the 1971 Bangladesh War, the army tried to crush the movement in WB. Charu Mazumdar was arrested in 1972, died in Lal Bazar police custody. Kondapalli Seetharamaiah reorganized the AP State Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. In 1974, the Central Organizing Committee of CPI(ML) was reconstituted with Subrata Dutta as General Secretary, who renamed the party as CPI(ML) Liberation. The 1975 Emergency made them adopt a ‘Tactical Road to Revolution’. Seetharamaiah was arrested in 1977, and the Central Organizing Committee was dissolved. In 1978, various rectification movements commenced. CPI(ML) and fragments limited pure military viewpoint and stressed on mass peasant struggles. CPI(ML) Unity Organisation was formed in Bihar (Palamau-Jehanabad region) under N.Prasad. MKSS (Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti) was formed. To propagate politics of agrarian revolution, RYL (Radical Youth League) units were built in villages of AP. This triggered the peasant struggles of Karimnagar and Adilabad. On 7th Sep, 1978, the famous Jagityal March was organized in AP with thousands taking part.
In 1980, Seetharamaiah formed the PWG (People’s War Group) in AP. He discarded total annihilation of ‘class enemies’ as the only form of struggle, stressed on floating mass organizations. CPI(ML) put forward the idea of broad Democratic Front as the national alternative. Bihar’s Unity Organisation, however, didn’t join the Central Committee. In 1981, CPI(ML) organized a unity meet of 13 Marxist-Leninist factions to form the leading core of the proposed Democratic Front. But, the meeting failed midway. The revolutionary movement began to polarize between the line followed by CPI(ML) Liberation and that of CPI(ML) People’s War. In 1982, IPF (Indian People’s Front) was launched in Delhi. At the 3rd Party Congress of CPI(ML) Liberation at Giridh in 1982, they decided to participate in polls. In 1985, PDF (People’s Democratic Front) was launched in Assam, to provide a revolutionary democratic orientation to the tribals’ aspiration for autonomy. PDF won a seat in Assam Assembly – this marked the first entry of a CPI(ML) cadre in legislative arena. Bihar govt banned PWG and MCC in 1986. In 1987, PDF changed its name to ASDC (Autonomous State Demand Committee). In 1989, CPI(ML) Liberation had its first electoral victory under the banner of IPF, in the Ara Lok Sabha constituency. Ara sent the first Naxalite member to the Parliament.
In 1990, AISA was launched in Allahabad. The first IPF rally was held in Delhi, it became the first ever massive mobilization of rural poor in the Capital. PWG was banned in 1992 by the AP govt. CPI(ML) launched a new forum Inquilabi Muslim Conference in Bihar the same year and All India Progressive Women’s Association in Delhi the following year. RYA (Revolutionary Youth Association) was launched in 1995. Armed clashes between the ultra-Leftists and upper caste private armies like Ranvir Sena escalated in Bihar in 1996. The Progressive Organisation of People, affiliated to the revolutionary movement, launched temple entry movement for lower castes in Gudipadu, AP. CPI(ML) Party Unity merged with PWG in 1998. PWG launched PGA (People’s Guerrilla Army) to counter security forces’ offensive. In 2001, Maoist groups all over South Asia formed CCOMPOSA (Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia); PWG and MCC became part of it. In 1991, Seetharamaiah (PWG) and Sushil Roy (Sec – MCC) discussed about unification of these two factions. Ganapati defeated Seetharamaiah for the post of Secretary of PWG. Sushil Roy and Ganapati sat together in 1992 and formed one frontal wing AIPRF, comprising members of MCC and PWG. Finally on 21st Sep, 2004, MCC and PWG merged to form CPI(Maoist) at Dandakaranya, which was officially declared on 14th Oct.
In Today’s Context ~ Like the banning of CPI(Maoist) recently, the undivided CPI was banned from 1948 to 1952. CPI, then led by B.T.Randive, shouted slogans like ‘Yeh azadi jhuti hain’ (it’s a sham independence). When India gained independence in 1947, it was merely political freedom from her colonisers; the socio-economic conditions of a certain strata of society remained the same. Did the poor, economically vulnerable and people belonging to backward castes/tribes enjoy the fruits of independence in its true essence? The answer is a resounding NO. Discontent fuelled through years of neglect, deprivation and apathy has resulted in the kind of anarchy we see in many tribal pockets of India. For decades, the mandarins at the Centre and the state have been blissfully unaware or not bothered to find the conditions in which people survive amidst underdevelopment of unthinkable proportions. Mass discontent has resulted in the inclination of these helpless tribals towards the Maoists because they have lost faith in the administration. The Maoists operate in areas where there are extreme forms of economic and social polarization, with very low human development indicators. The govt, instead of addressing the security needs of landless labourers or the core issue of development, have approached the problem of Maoist-menace as a law and order problem. Feudal and capitalist exploitation, repression by the police and private armies/senas of landlords, have provided the breeding ground for the growing influence of Maoists.
According to the Indian govt, the Maoists have direct influence in near about 160 districts of India. It’s quite apparent that they are a force to reckon with. They believe in total annihilation of ‘class enemies’ and achieve a classless society through an armed revolution. But in today’s world of globalization, it’s an impractical dream. And, most importantly, they are a big threat to democracy. India’s democratic system is not a perfect one, with undeniable flaws. It has to undergo a lot of constructive reforms. But, the Maoists don’t believe in electoral politics. Opposition will have no voice if, considering hypothetically, the Maoists do come to power. The entire democratic system will collapse since the Maoists believe in absolutism.
It’s true that Maoists do indulge in developmental work in tribal belts. But, it’s also true that they are an anti-developmental force. In the past 3 years, according to govt reports, Maoists have attacked 316 economic targets, which provide direct employment to thousands of tribals in Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, WB, AP, Maharashtra; some of the targets being Uranium and Bauxite mines, railways, telephone towers, power plants, projects under Gramin Sadak Yojana. It has also been established that they are in touch with Nepal Maoists, LTTE, ULFA and the Chinese govt for arms and ammunitions. In some areas, they coerce people, especially women and children, to join them in return of security of life and food, or even without. The same way as the politicians don’t have honest intentions to alleviate poverty since it will no longer be an election-issue to inflate their vote-bank, Maoists too, intentionally, stall developmental work in some areas because underdevelopment is their key issue for survival.
In the guise of fighting the Maoists, people like Binayak Sen and Laxman Choudhury are arrested under false charges of sedition. At Shalbani, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya escaped by a whisker when a landmine exploded near his convoy. The administration, to hide their inefficiency, arrested two tribal boys studying in Class 9! It is often debated that Salwa Judum is not a movement against Naxalite violence, rather it is very much, a govt-sponsored mercenary army to forcefully displace indigenous tribals for corporate investment. The Chattisgarh govt signed a MoU with TATA on 4th June, 2005, the same day Salwa Judum was launched. Mere coincidence? Repression by the State has to stop and there has to be strong political will to initiate administrative reforms. Various Human Rights bodies have come forward in support of the tribals’ cause and some of them have openly lent moral support to the Maoists. But, their views, are at times, biased. When the Maoists butcher policemen like Induvar Francis, we seldom see these organizations or activists raise a hue and cry, as if, human rights are a monopolized commodity! Similarly, the media presents the atrocities committed by the Maoists, being just a hegemonic tool of the system, but do not highlight the impoverished condition in the underdeveloped areas. ‘India Shining’ – any takers?
