The Kashmir Unrest

Post-independence, 562 princely states joined the dominion of India, largely due to the efforts of Sardar Patel and V.P.Menon. Two states that didn’t join India were Junagarh, Hyderabad and Kashmir. The Nawab of Junagarh wanted to join Pakistan, but the people wanted to join India. So the Indian troops occupied the state and plebiscite followed, which was in favour of India. The Nizam of Hyderabad wanted to remain independent but was forced to join India in 1948 following the Indian troops marching into the state post-Telengana revolt.


Raja Hari Singh was undecided and being a Hindu king of the Muslim majority state didn’t help either. But, Pakistan pre-empted a peaceful settlement by organizing an invasion disguised as an ‘uprising’ in Oct, 1947. If Pakistan had not sought to seize Kashmir through war, the Kashmir problem would have been resolved across a table in 1948. Mountbatten as Governor General and Nehru as PM did not let Pakistan seize Kashmir by armed force. They ensured the legality of the Indian response to Pakistan aggression through the instrument of accession signed by Hari Singh and supervised the Indian Army action that drove the invaders out of most of Kashmir. Incidentally, Mountabatten was the one who made the cardinal mistake of asking Nehru to go to the UN for referring the Kashmir issue. Pakistan would not recognise the instrument of accession, the UN ordered for a plebiscite which was vetoed by USSR (thankfully) and the Kashmiris were still undecided (although they were continuously wooed by Pakistan along religious lines). Nehru, not heeding to Shyama Prasad’s suggestion, stupidly granted a separate PM and Constitution to Kashmir! A lot of historical blunders have followed ever since and now it has become practically an impossibility to find a political solution to Kashmir on the question of ‘azadi’.


Currently, the situation as it stands in Kashmir, is of extreme lawlessness. Kashmir has always nurtured a core group of highly motivated activists who never reconciled themselves to the accession of 1948. It was further fueled by Pakistani adventurists determined to complete the unfinished business of Partition. For the propagandists of the yet unspecified ‘azadi’, the upsurge has become a poetic justification of endorsement of the fidayeen gunmen hailed as ‘freedom fighters’ that has led to the defiant proclamation that a political solution to the Kashmir issue isn’t possible within the Indian Union and the Indian Constitution. This is a potentially dangerous sign! As Swapan Dasgupta says, the word ‘azadi’ for Kashmiris is poetic rather than literal.


In the last Assembly polls, about 70% Kashmiris turned up and voted. It was in favour of good governance, not on the question of ‘azadi’. Now, that the protesters have hit the roads screaming ‘azadi, azadi, azadi’, what does it imply? Does it imply freedom from the Indian Union? No! It is a unified protest against govt’s draconian laws, unjustified criminal encounters of innocents, rapes, lack of development and administration’s apathy for good governance. The Kashmiris have let their voice heard to the entire nation. The govt must make a fresh start - admit its mistakes and respond with kindness and tolerance. The army must make independent inquiries on the alleged fake encounters. The most important factor here is winning the confidence of the Kashmiris through honest political will. More jobs, better health and educational facilities are not ‘bribes’, they are gestures to win back the confidence of the people of Kashmir who have been let down.


One must look at both sides of the coin. Yes, it’s true that it’s unfair to call the protestors ‘anti-nationals’ as innocents are brutally beaten up or killed everyday in the name of maintaining law and order. The protest is a volcanic eruption of suppressed voices that have witnessed nothing but brutality and high-handedness of the govt n army. Yet, it’s also true that many of the protesters have the ulterior agenda of carrying forward the Pakistani dream of finishing the unfinished business of Partition. Majority of the protesters are on the streets to claim ‘azadi’ from military oppression and on demand of better governance. But the rest are fueling the fire of age-old issue of ‘free Kashmiriyat’ and juxtaposing them with this present situation of chaos. On the other hand, India has to be careful of the fact that the detractors do not get a chance to provoke an anti-Muslim backlash across the nation.


Indian govt must address this issue by opening up a dialogue with everyone concerned. Letting go of Kashmir is definitely not a solution! Will it be the Republic of Kashmir? I am in favour of limited autonomy of Kashmir. Even the Kashmiris know that it’s better to be in the economically resurgent Indian Union rather than acceding to the politically turbulent Pakistan.

Mao, Mao ~ What art thou?

The true story of Indian Maoists

Mao-frenzy has almost become a phenomenon, rather being made into one, featuring in primetime news channels, with political parties and Human Rights bodies at loggerheads and corporate companies making merry at the cost of tribal-development. But many are not aware of the political history and complex socio-economic dynamics that has triggered the growth of Naxalite movement in many parts of India. Merely branding them as ‘the greatest threat to our country’s internal security’ is like looking at just one side of the coin, the other side has to be looked at with equal importance and seriousness.

Political History ~ The historic peasant struggle of Telengana began in 1948. Leftist ideological document ‘Andhra Letter’ demanded Indian Revolution to follow the Chinese path of protracted people’s war. CPI(M) split from CPI in 1964 and decided to participate in elections. 1965-66 saw Charu Mazumdar penning Marxist articles, popularly known as ‘The Historic Eight Documents’, which became the basis of Naxalite Movement in coming years. Telugu poet Sri Sri formed the Civil Liberties Organisation following arrests of Communists during the Indo-China war. In 1967, CPI(M) participated in polls and United Front govt was formed in West Bengal. Charu Mazumdar blamed the CPI(M) for betraying the revolution and it led to a schism in the party. 25^th May saw the Naxalbari Uprising in Darjeeling district of WB, the state govt cracked down on the uprising, with the Centre supporting it. The same year witnessed the formation of AICCCR (All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolution) within CPI(M) with S.Roy Chowdhury as convener; they decided to boycott elections. In 1969, AICCCR was renamed as CPI(ML) with Charu Mazumdar as Secretary. Meanwhile, there was a crackdown on Srikakulam Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, but the movement continued till 1975. On 20^th Oct, MCC (Maoist Communist Centre) was formed by Kanhai Chatterjee and Amulya Sen, they decided against joining CPI(ML). The 1^st Party Congress of CPI(ML) was held in Calcutta on 11^th May, 1970.

Telugu literary lights, headed by Sri Sri, formed the Revolutionary Writers Association. Artistes from Hyderabad, inspired by Srikakulam Struggle, form Art Lovers, headed by Narasinga Rao. Later they changed their name to Jana Natya Mandali in 1971. They tried to spread revolutionary ideas through songs and plays; were finally declared illegal in 1984. During the 1971 Bangladesh War, the army tried to crush the movement in WB. Charu Mazumdar was arrested in 1972, died in Lal Bazar police custody. Kondapalli Seetharamaiah reorganized the AP State Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. In 1974, the Central Organizing Committee of CPI(ML) was reconstituted with Subrata Dutta as General Secretary, who renamed the party as CPI(ML) Liberation. The 1975 Emergency made them adopt a ‘Tactical Road to Revolution’. Seetharamaiah was arrested in 1977, and the Central Organizing Committee was dissolved. In 1978, various rectification movements commenced. CPI(ML) and fragments limited pure military viewpoint and stressed on mass peasant struggles. CPI(ML) Unity Organisation was formed in Bihar (Palamau-Jehanabad region) under N.Prasad. MKSS (Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti) was formed. To propagate politics of agrarian revolution, RYL (Radical Youth League) units were built in villages of AP. This triggered the peasant struggles of Karimnagar and Adilabad. On 7^th Sep, 1978, the famous Jagityal March was organized in AP with thousands taking part.

In 1980, Seetharamaiah formed the PWG (People’s War Group) in AP. He discarded total annihilation of ‘class enemies’ as the only form of struggle, stressed on floating mass organizations. CPI(ML) put forward the idea of broad Democratic Front as the national alternative. Bihar’s Unity Organisation, however, didn’t join the Central Committee. In 1981, CPI(ML) organized a unity meet of 13 Marxist-Leninist factions to form the leading core of the proposed Democratic Front. But, the meeting failed midway. The revolutionary movement began to polarize between the line followed by CPI(ML) Liberation and that of CPI(ML) People’s War. In 1982, IPF (Indian People’s Front) was launched in Delhi. At the 3^rd Party Congress of CPI(ML) Liberation at Giridh in 1982, they decided to participate in polls. In 1985, PDF (People’s Democratic Front) was launched in Assam, to provide a revolutionary democratic orientation to the tribals’ aspiration for autonomy. PDF won a seat in Assam Assembly – this marked the first entry of a CPI(ML) cadre in legislative arena. Bihar govt banned PWG and MCC in 1986. In 1987, PDF changed its name to ASDC (Autonomous State Demand Committee). In 1989, CPI(ML) Liberation had its first electoral victory under the banner of IPF, in the Ara Lok Sabha constituency. Ara sent the first Naxalite member to the Parliament.

In 1990, AISA was launched in Allahabad. The first IPF rally was held in Delhi, it became the first ever massive mobilization of rural poor in the Capital. PWG was banned in 1992 by the AP govt. CPI(ML) launched a new forum Inquilabi Muslim Conference in Bihar the same year and All India Progressive Women’s Association in Delhi the following year. RYA (Revolutionary Youth Association) was launched in 1995. Armed clashes between the ultra-Leftists and upper caste private armies like Ranvir Sena escalated in Bihar in 1996. The Progressive Organisation of People, affiliated to the revolutionary movement, launched temple entry movement for lower castes in Gudipadu, AP. CPI(ML) Party Unity merged with PWG in 1998. PWG launched PGA (People’s Guerrilla Army) to counter security forces’ offensive. In 2001, Maoist groups all over South Asia formed CCOMPOSA (Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia); PWG and MCC became part of it. In 1991, Seetharamaiah (PWG) and Sushil Roy (Sec – MCC) discussed about unification of these two factions. Ganapati defeated Seetharamaiah for the post of Secretary of PWG. Sushil Roy and Ganapati sat together in 1992 and formed one frontal wing AIPRF, comprising members of MCC and PWG. Finally on 21^st Sep, 2004, MCC and PWG merged to form CPI(Maoist) at Dandakaranya, which was officially declared on 14^th Oct.

In Today’s Context ~ Like the banning of CPI(Maoist) recently, the undivided CPI was banned from 1948 to 1952. CPI, then led by B.T.Randive, shouted slogans like ‘Yeh azadi jhuti hain’ (it’s a sham independence). When India gained independence in 1947, it was merely political freedom from her colonisers; the socio-economic conditions of a certain strata of society remained the same. Did the poor, economically vulnerable and people belonging to backward castes/tribes enjoy the fruits of independence in its true essence? The answer is a resounding NO. Discontent fuelled through years of neglect, deprivation and apathy has resulted in the kind of anarchy we see in many tribal pockets of India. For decades, the mandarins at the Centre and the state have been blissfully unaware or not bothered to find the conditions in which people survive amidst underdevelopment of unthinkable proportions. Mass discontent has resulted in the inclination of these helpless tribals towards the Maoists because they have lost faith in the administration. The Maoists operate in areas where there are extreme forms of economic and social polarization, with very low human development indicators. The govt, instead of addressing the security needs of landless labourers or the core issue of development, have approached the problem of Maoist-menace as a law and order problem. Feudal and capitalist exploitation, repression by the police and private armies/senas of landlords, have provided the breeding ground for the growing influence of Maoists.

According to the Indian govt, the Maoists have direct influence in near about 160 districts of India. It’s quite apparent that they are a force to reckon with. They believe in total annihilation of ‘class enemies’ and achieve a classless society through an armed revolution. But in today’s world of globalization, it’s an impractical dream. And, most importantly, they are a big threat to democracy. India’s democratic system is not a perfect one, with undeniable flaws. It has to undergo a lot of constructive reforms. But, the Maoists don’t believe in electoral politics. Opposition will have no voice if, considering hypothetically, the Maoists do come to power. The entire democratic system will collapse since the Maoists believe in absolutism.

It’s true that Maoists do indulge in developmental work in tribal belts. But, it’s also true that they are an anti-developmental force. In the past 3 years, according to govt reports, Maoists have attacked 316 economic targets, which provide direct employment to thousands of tribals in Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, WB, AP, Maharashtra; some of the targets being Uranium and Bauxite mines, railways, telephone towers, power plants, projects under Gramin Sadak Yojana. It has also been established that they are in touch with Nepal Maoists, LTTE, ULFA and the Chinese govt for arms and ammunitions. In some areas, they coerce people, especially women and children, to join them in return of security of life and food, or even without. The same way as the politicians don’t have honest intentions to alleviate poverty since it will no longer be an election-issue to inflate their vote-bank, Maoists too, intentionally, stall developmental work in some areas because underdevelopment is their key issue for survival.

In the guise of fighting the Maoists, people like Binayak Sen and Laxman Choudhury are arrested under false charges of sedition. At Shalbani, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya escaped by a whisker when a landmine exploded near his convoy. The administration, to hide their inefficiency, arrested two tribal boys studying in Class 9! It is often debated that Salwa Judum is not a movement against Naxalite violence, rather it is very much, a govt-sponsored mercenary army to forcefully displace indigenous tribals for corporate investment. The Chattisgarh govt signed a MoU with TATA on 4^th June, 2005, the same day Salwa Judum was launched. Mere coincidence? Repression by the State has to stop and there has to be strong political will to initiate administrative reforms. Various Human Rights bodies have come forward in support of the tribals’ cause and some of them have openly lent moral support to the Maoists. But, their views, are at times, biased. When the Maoists butcher policemen like Induvar Francis, we seldom see these organizations or activists raise a hue and cry, as if, human rights are a monopolized commodity! Similarly, the media presents the atrocities committed by the Maoists, being just a hegemonic tool of the system, but do not highlight the impoverished condition in the underdeveloped areas. ‘India Shining’ – any takers?

The Elegy of a Martyr

I
My world has died
And, I write to mourn its passing
A world – maimed and mangled, with deep scars of abhorrence
Sinking into anonymity
But did it deserve to die?
Did it deserve to be disremembered?

II
The dewy path to Paradise
Drowned in crimson mist and purple smoke
Shadows of living dead walking by
The chaotic madness of violence and intoxicating silence
Treacherous pages of history gnaws deep into my virgin soul
And, I ask, “Kashmir, whose land is it anyway?”

III
Orphaned in childhood, a Jihadi in youth
Inglorious temptation of martyrdom blinds my vision
My mutilated conscience wages a helpless war against the deceitful mind
As I stand vanquished, singing the sinful melody of conspiring fate
With a gun to my head, I slowly trace the retreating steps
The trigger is pulled…..Freedom at last and an ocean of silence


“My world has died/And I write to mourn its passing” ~ taken from Arundhati Ray’s The Algebra of Infinite Injustice